Note: In a hastily-written (and ill-considered) post on Saturday, I promised that this follow-up to last week's Clintonism post would include a delineation of the small differences I have with some of the folks who responded to the original piece. But the more I thought about it, the more I realized that it was time for me to take a healthy dose of the medicine we DLCers like to ladle out so generously to others -- grow up, quit nitpicking, and get down to the tough business of solving real problems. So here goes....
Last week, in a post that I hoped would start a conversation about mending the left/center-left split in the Democratic party, I argued that eight years of Clintonism (broadly defined as centrist policies with liberal objectives) had produced far better results for people at the bottom of the economic pile than traditional liberals have generally been prepared to acknowledge. After making that case, I invited liberals to respond by both grappling honestly with the numbers I had laid out, and by stating specifically what they would like to see done differently in any future Democratic administration. And unless I've missed something in the various responses I've seen so far, I think it's pretty safe to say that the Democratic party tent is still plenty big enough for all of us to bed down in together -- particularly if New Dems like me are ready to embrace an agenda whose scope and ambition are worthy of the nation we hope to lead and the party to which we belong.
Take Jeanne d'Arc's reply, for example. If I read it right, she's saying that Clintonism succeeded as a narrow set of palliatives for some of the nation's worst ills, but failed as a governing philosophy because (a) it's goals didn't inspire the country, and (b) it's ideologically-barren rhetoric allowed conservatives to move the 50-yard line in American politics further to the right. Now, as a dyed in the wool DLCer, you might expect me to take issue with some or all of that, but I really can't. Jeanne's right. After the healthcare debacle of 1994, Clinton's presidency was mostly about protecting liberal gains rather than expanding them, and the results, while defensible on political and policy grounds, were about as exciting as a mashed potato sandwich. And at the end of the day, that's just not good enough.
So, if Jeanne, representing traditional progressives, and I, as a New Dem, can agree on those two predicates, how exactly would we go about taking the next step -- putting together an agenda that we could all not only live with, but celebrate? Well, what about if we start -- just start, now -- with former Clinton numbers-cruncher Matt Miller's Two Percent Solution, an ambitious but fiscally prudent set of proposals that uses the New Democrat policy toolbox to address four of the big ticket social injustices that America can no longer afford to ignore -- healthcare, a living wage, education, and real campaign finance reform?
Here are a few brief passages (lifted from Miller's website) that give us a pretty good sense of what that would look like with regard to the first two, heathcare and a living wage:
To cover the uninsured, Miller promotes what he calls "the Bill Bradley-George Bush Sr. health plan" -- new tax subsidies for the purchase of private health insurance policies from among competing private plans. (Few people realize that Bill Bradley and George W. Bush's father pushed virtually identical health plans -- one of countless examples Miller uses to show how the conventional terms of debate are shockingly misleading). Individuals would have access to some form of insurance pool to assure affordable group rates. The "grand bargain" we need on health care, Miller explains, requires Democrats to accept the existence of a private insurance industry and Republicans to accept the need to help everyone buy a decent policy. It's about liberals agreeing that innovation shouldn't be regulated out of U.S. health care, and conservatives agreeing that justice has to be regulated into it....
Miller explains why the current debate over a "living wage" -- now enacted in 80 cities, with more coming -- isn't serious about the 15 million people living in poverty despite living in homes headed by full time workers. The problem is that while liberals are right about the injustice facing unskilled workers, they're wrong about the economics of fixing it. It is simply not possible to solve the problem on a sustainable basis, Miller shows, by mandating that private firms pay wages as high as $10 or $12 an hour for employees who, in economic terms, are "worth" only six. The living wage laws that have been enacted have passed, paradoxically, only because their scope has been narrowed so as to have almost no impact -- a weird rallying cry for a movement! But at least the left is trying. While liberals settle for baby steps, the right merely sidesteps with calls for "education and training" that can't help those not destined to be retooled into software whizzes. Our national "living wage" debate amounts a showdown between the inadequate and the ineffectual. Shouldn't there be a better way?
Miller says yes -- starting with a national commitment that full time work should deliver at least $9 an hour. But they key is to make sure this cost isn't all be borne by the employer. Miller would guarantee $9-10 an hour for full time work via a sliding-scale tax credit to employers (based on an plan crafted by Columbia University economist Edmund Phelps). The "grand bargain" here requires the left to stop trying to place the full burden of a living wage on employers, while the right accepts the need to have government fund the rest. Business should love it, because workers could be hired for as little as $6 an hour, with government putting up $3 to match it. Since the social benefits of work (in terms of less crime, welfare dependency, etc.) exceed less skilled workers' productivity (which limits what employers can offer in wages), it makes sense for society to subsidize the difference.
First off, let's state the obvious -- none of that is perfect from anyone's point of view. But is it a reasonable jumping-off point for our discussion? I think it is. And rather than bore you any further with my take on Miller's ideas, I'll just put them on the table as is, and again, invite our liberal allies to reply. What's your first response to all that? More importantly, perhaps, what's your second response? Are there any liberal must-haves that we need to include? And if there are, are they important enough to risk losing any chance we have of actually extending decent healthcare and a living wage to millions of our fellow Americans at any point in the near future?
Once again, folks, the floor is yours.
POSTSCRIPT: I didn't include Miller's education and campaign finance proposals (which you can find here) in the post above because (1) I was trying to compose a blog entry, not War and Peace, and (2) as attractive as I might find them from a New Dem perspective, I'm not at all sure that his ideas in these areas are even theoretically acceptable to traditional liberals or the public at large. If anyone out there disagrees, though, I'd be happy to take a look at them in a future post.
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